HK Cultural Series:10 Wars after the Founding of the Nation

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Free Admission. Registration is required, first-come-first-served. Quota: Sharing Details Register. Story of a female sniper! Ludmila Pavlichenko has left everything behind to become a sniper in the Red Army rifle division, a place where women are not welcomed, the fight against fascists. She proves herself into an unforgiving training program that pushes Ludmila to her physical, emotional and mental limits. Will she be able to succeed and find her allies or will she be lost to fighting alone in a war among men?


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She proves herself into an unforgiving Ludmila Pavlichenko has left everything behind to become a sniper in the Red Army rifle division, a place The performance, which explores life and death, is comprised of five contemporary dance pieces. Other than leading the audience to an excursion into the aesthetics of contemporary dance, the show also serves as a homage to Dr.

Tom Brown for his imponderable contribution to contemporary dance and dance education development in Hong Other than leading the audience to an excursion The performance, which explores life and death, They are the Here at the HKAC Art Shop, you will find interesting gift ideas, affordable art pieces and a platform to support our local artists. There is no sign that will change when the legislature is up for election again next year. Carrie Lam, who became chief executive in , often says that she has two bosses, Beijing and Hong Kong.

Beijing did once endorse a form of direct elections for Hong Kong, but with a big catch: Hong Kongers could vote for their leader, the Chinese legislature decided in , but the candidates must first be approved by a pro-Beijing nominating committee.

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In other words, Hong Kong could elect its own leader, but only from a handful of candidates acceptable to the Communist Party. Thus was the so-called Umbrella Movement born. A year later, the Hong Kong legislature rejected the plan , with pro-democracy lawmakers voting unanimously against it. Some suggested that the democratic camp may have missed a chance at an incremental gain that could have later been improved upon.

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But under the terms of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of , all other responsibilities were to reside with Hong Kong. In recent years, though, there have been clear signs those lines are blurring, especially when it comes to the realm of justice.

So when Hong Kongers, who were already afraid their autonomy was deteriorating, got word about a new extradition measure coming before the Hong Kong legislature that would ease sending people to mainland China for trial, the result was huge street protests unlike any since the Umbrella Movement — and a delay of the plan by the authorities. While the extradition measure would make it legally easier for mainland China to seize Hong Kongers, the absence of such a law appears not to have stopped mainland authorities in the past.

In , five people connected with Causeway Bay Books, a Hong Kong establishment that sold gossipy books about mainland Chinese politics, disappeared. One was apparently grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong, another kidnapped from his home in Thailand. Three more were detained in mainland China, where all five were held and one remains in custody.

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Many in Hong Kong fear that the proposed extradition law would allow mainland authorities to directly demand the handover of people wanted in political cases, despite promised human rights safeguards. After the law was proposed, Lam Wing-kee, one of the previously detained booksellers, fled to Taiwan. With the extradition law they want to make such kidnappings legal, and bring Chinese law to Hong Kong. The Joint Declaration signed in declares that a free press will be ensured by law.

But many media organizations say they are struggling as mainland China undermines that right. The decision to expel a representative of a powerful Western publication sent a chill through many in the city. The independent book publishing industry has also taken a big hit. The Causeway Bay Books detentions shocked many in the industry, leading some businesses to close.

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The few that remain say they have run into severe difficulties printing and selling books on politics and history in Hong Kong, which they attribute to pressure from the mainland. Sino United Publishing, a Chinese government-owned company, now controls almost all of the book publishing and retail sales market in Hong Kong. Books banned on the mainland are not found on the shelves of its outlets. Its judges, often educated in England, are in the habit of issuing decisions that protect civil liberties.


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Beijing promised to protect all that. Instead, it is whittling away at it. In , Beijing used that power against pro-democracy lawmakers who staged protests during their oaths of office.